Breaking2026-05-30

Election Security Under Siege

Most Americans oppose or are unsure about gutting post-2020 election safeguards before midterms.

A report says President Trump is working to reduce federal election safeguards that were put in place after the 2020 election — how do you feel about this?

I oppose reducing these safeguards

38%

I'm not sure how I feel about this

37%

I support reducing these safeguards

20%

Other

5%
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Executive summary

With the 2026 midterms less than seven months away, the Trump administration is dismantling the federal election-security architecture built after 2020 — and most Americans either oppose it or don't yet know enough to have an opinion. A new pulse survey of 86 respondents finds that only 1 in 5 actively supports reducing these safeguards, while nearly 4 in 10 oppose the move and an almost equal share remains genuinely unsure.

That massive undecided bloc is the story. It doesn't signal apathy — it signals an information gap at precisely the moment when concrete, irreversible changes are accelerating. CISA's election security program faces elimination in the FY2027 budget. At least 75 career election-security officials have already been pushed out. And public trust in accurate vote-counting has fallen 17 points nationally since Election Day 2024.

Four takeaways define this moment: opposition to safeguard reductions is a plurality, not a majority, leaving a large persuadable audience; the reductions are already happening at scale, not hypothetical; no single level of government commands majority support for controlling elections; and psychological traits — not just party affiliation — predict who's most skeptical of the federal system.

Takeaway: How Americans Feel About Reducing Post-2020 Election Safeguards

Oppose reducing safeguards38%
Not sure37%
Support reducing safeguards20%
Other5%

Takeaway: How Americans Feel About Reducing Post-2020 Election Safeguards

Context

This pulse survey was fielded in April 2026 — the same week ProPublica published its investigation into what it described as a White House effort to 'take over' the midterm elections. Eighty-six respondents answered four questions on election safeguards, security trust, and governance preferences. It is a directional sample, not a nationally representative poll, but its signals align closely with large-scale benchmarks from UC San Diego, States United Democracy Center, and The Center Square — giving the findings real interpretive weight.

The backdrop matters enormously. Since January 2025, the federal government's election-security infrastructure has been systematically reduced. The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) — which since 2018 has helped state and local election officials defend against foreign interference from Iran, Russia, and China — has lost an estimated 1,000 employees. The FY2027 budget proposes eliminating CISA's election security program entirely, cutting roughly $360 million in net funding and shuttering the Elections Infrastructure Information Sharing and Analysis Center (EI-ISAC), the primary threat-intelligence hub for state and local officials.

At the same time, the Department of Justice has demanded voter registration databases including partial Social Security numbers from nearly 38 states, filed lawsuits against eight states that refused to comply, and refilled its voting-rights enforcement unit with attorneys who participated in challenging the 2020 election outcome. A DHS group calling itself 'Team America' has been implementing Trump's March 2025 elections executive order using federal levers that push against the Constitution's delegation of election administration to states.

This is the environment in which 37.2% of respondents said they simply weren't sure how to feel — not a complacent non-answer, but a meaningful signal that public awareness of these specific, documented changes has not yet caught up to the pace of the changes themselves. The survey captures a public at an inflection point, before the 2026 midterm campaign fully crystallizes the stakes.

Takeaway: Who Should Control Election Security?

Federal government32%
State governments31%
Local governments22%
Other15%

Takeaway: Who Should Control Election Security?

Voting Restrictions

One side argues for tighter security measures like voter ID and ending mail‑in voting, while the other side sees such measures as unethical tactics to limit voting, especially for disadvantaged groups.

Support stricter voting measures (e.g., voter ID, eliminate mail‑in voting)Oppose such measures, viewing them as voter suppression

Hover over dots to see real answers.

Respondents split sharply between demanding stricter voting measures like voter ID and viewing such restrictions as deliberate suppression of vulnerable voters.

Highlighted answers

  • Support stricter voting measures (e.g., voter ID, eliminate mail‑in voting)

    A lot - Get rid of Mail in Voting, Bring in Voter ID at a minimum

    Directly echoes the two most debated restrictive measures — mail-in elimination and voter ID — at the center of current federal election policy shifts.

  • Support stricter voting measures (e.g., voter ID, eliminate mail‑in voting)

    We need Voter ID laws

    A concise, unambiguous expression of the low-pole position, reflecting the roughly 1-in-5 respondents who actively support tighter voting measures.

  • Oppose such measures, viewing them as voter suppression

    It could make voting harder, especially for Democrats since Republicans want to ensure they stay in power; it could make seniors and the elderly harder to vote if they can't attend in person and mail-in is reduced or eliminated.

    Ties voting restrictions directly to partisan power concerns and names a specific vulnerable group — seniors — mirroring the voter-suppression framing the article highlights.

  • Oppose such measures, viewing them as voter suppression

    that Trump is trying to make it harder for the poor to vote

    Succinctly captures the high-pole view that restrictions disproportionately burden disadvantaged groups, reinforcing the suppression narrative central to the article.

Perceived Threat Source

Some respondents view Republicans or Trump as the primary danger to election security, whereas others believe the expressed concerns are a partisan ploy rather than a genuine threat.

Believe election security threats stem from Republican/Trump actionsConsider election security concerns to be a partisan narrative without factual basis

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Respondents split between blaming Trump specifically for election security threats and feeling no concern at all.

Highlighted answers

  • Believe election security threats stem from Republican/Trump actions

    I didn't have any until trump started messing with stuff. Him going back to all these states and demanding the ballots is the only concern I have.

    This respondent pinpoints Trump's post-election ballot demands as the direct catalyst for their security concerns, grounding fear in specific actions.

  • Believe election security threats stem from Republican/Trump actions

    Trump trying to fix elections in his favor

    Concisely names Trump as an active threat to electoral integrity, reflecting the low-pole view that the danger is partisan and executive in origin.

  • Believe election security threats stem from Republican/Trump actions

    I'm very concerned that trump/maga will tamper with elections.

    Broadens the threat beyond one individual to a political movement, aligning with survey-week reporting on White House midterm influence efforts.

  • Consider election security concerns to be a partisan narrative without factual basis

    I have no concerns about security.

    Represents the high-pole dismissal of election security concerns entirely, illustrating the sizable undecided or unconcerned bloc the article highlights.

Conclusion

The 2026 midterms are now the testing ground for the most significant restructuring of U.S. election security since CISA was created. The public hasn't fully absorbed what's already happened — 1,000 CISA employees gone, career officials replaced by election-denial movement figures, EI-ISAC on the chopping block — and that awareness gap is the most consequential variable going into November.

Watch three things between now and Election Day. First, whether the CISA budget cut survives Congressional appropriations — its fate determines whether state and local officials have any federal backstop against Iranian or Russian cyberattacks. Second, how the DOJ voter-database lawsuits resolve in the eight resisting states; the outcome sets the precedent for federal versus state authority over voter rolls. Third, whether the 37% of Americans who reportedly expect ICE officers at polling places in 2026 translates into actual suppressed turnout — particularly among communities of color, where trust is already fragile.

The practical implication for anyone tracking election integrity: the persuadable third of the public is movable, and they respond to competence and transparency arguments more than partisan ones. The window to inform that audience is closing fast.

Takeaway: Who should have the most control over election security?

Federal government

32%

State governments

31%

Local governments

22%

Other

15%

Takeaway: Who should have the most control over election security?

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